The basic structure of anarcho-syndicalism: the industrial union

The basic structure of anarcho-syndicalism: the Industrial union

This can seem to you the most boring part in the text, and it is that which relates how the anarcho-syndicalist union functions. We ask your patience. The structure and form of taking of decisions of anarcho-syndicalism is original, it does not use anybody anymore and is intended in order to limit to the maximum the appearance of bureaucracy and leadership. If you learn how the CNT functions, nobody will be able to manipulate you nor ever direct you within it.

The CNT is a union, a confederation of industrial union branches. An industrial union is a group of people who work in the same branch of production, to defend their interests. The unions of the CNT are industrial unions, contrary to what are called trade unions. Trade unions, for example, divide health workers into the nurses' union, the medical technicians' union, doctors' union, etc. In contrast the CNT health workers form the Union of Public Health, without distinction to professional categories. This structure was adopted at the Sans Congress in 1918. It was agreed on because it was seen as the most practical in struggles with capital.

"En el terreno táctico, a fines de 1917 se nos presentó una huelga de fideeros y otra de ebanistas (sindicatos de oficio), que se alargó hasta el 18. La burguesía de ambos ramos (alimentación y madera), se entestó en no ceder en nada, y los obreros en ganarlo todo. El gobernador de momento quiere mediar y fracasa. Y pongamos que pasan 10 semanas. Los patronos comienzan a intranquilizarse, aceptan la mediación del gobernador y el nombramiento de una comisión mixta para llegar a un acuerdo.

In the tactical terrain, up until 1917 it was presented to us a strike of ? and another of ebanistas (industrial unions), that had ? until the 18th. The bourgeoisie of both industries (? And ?), ? in ? in nothing, and the workers in ? to ? all. The government of the day wanted to ? and to ?. And we put that they pass 10 weeks. The bosses commenced to ?, accepted the ? of the government and ? a mixed commision in order to come to an agreement.

Pero los fideeros se niegan a cualquier trato. Desean triunfar por la Acción Directa, cara a cara con los burgueses, y dicen que la autoridad es allí un elemento extraño que sobra. Y el gobernador monta en cólera; detienen a una tanda de huelguistas. Lo que a su vez desata una terrible tanda de sabotajes. Los carretones que hacían el reparto de fideos y macarrones eran asaltados por un pelotón de huelguistas, que los volcaban y bailaban encima de la pasta un chotis, o echaban ácido fénico.

But the ? ? any?. They desired to ? by Direct Action, ? with the bourgeoisie, and said that the authority is there an foreign element that ?. And the government ? ?, detained? A ? of strikers. That which in its time ? a terrible ? of sabotage. The ? that had made the ? of ? and ? were ? by a ? of strikers, ???

Cualquiera se la comía después. Y penetraban en las tiendas del ramo, rompían los cristales e inutilizaban toda la mercancía con ácido. La burguesía del fideo se alarmó poderosamente.
Los ebanistas hacían lo mismo, partiendo muebles y lunas con enorme ruido.

Whatever? ?. And they ? in the ? of industry, ? the ? and ? all the ? with acid. The bourgeoisie of ? were ? ?.

Arrecian las detenciones en ambos ramos, de manera que el de los fideeros, que englobaría a cuatrocientos oficiales, quedó imposibilitado para actuar por falta de gente. Pero entonces todo el ramo de alimentación se solidariza: los horneros, pasteleros, molineros, cubren las bajas de sus compañeros detenidos. Y los carpinteros, torneros, barnizadores, el ramo de la madera en pleno se vuelcan a relevar a los saboteadores. La huelga de los ebanistas duró diecisiete semanas.

? the ? in both industries, of ? that it of the ?, which was ? 400 officials, remained impossible in order to act without the people. But then all of the industrry of ? ?: ?, ?, ? ? of their detained companeros. And the carpenters, ?, ?, the industry of ? in ? . The strike of the ? lasted 17 weeks.

Hasta que los patronos aflojaron...Fue un triunfo arrollador. Y la lección de solidaridad fue, en rigor, la que impulsó la creación del Sindicato Unico de la Madera -el que fue famoso <, y el de la Alimentación, apiñando a todos los sindicatos sectoriales" (Joan Ferrer, La Revuelta Permanente).

Since ? the bosses. It was a ? triumph?. And the lesson of solidarity was, in ?, ? the impulse the creation of the Industrial Union of ? – which was famous “Ram de la Fusta”, and ? of the ?, ? of all the union sections.” (Joan Ferrer, The Permanent Revolt)

The Industrial Union and the basic structure of the anarcho-syndicalist union.

Everything in the CNT revolves around the union. An industrial union in health, for example, is formed by the people who work in health within the same city, who meet as a local union. There they discuss the problems of their industry. Likewise industrial unions are formed for metallurgy, construction, wood-working, food processing, etc. If there are not enough people (at least 25) to form an industrial union, as it often happens, they form a Miscellanous Trades Union (“Sindicato de Oficios Varios (SOV)”) with a minimum of five people. As the MTU grows and a group of people in a distinct industry becomes sufficient, it reorganizes into industrial unions. For example, an MTU of 300 members could have 30 in construction, 50 in metallurgy, 200 in public services, and 20 in other industries. They could, if they desired, form three industrial unions (construction, metallurgy, and public services) and leave the MTU with only 20 members.

How does the Industrial Union function?

The union decides its issues by means of the Union Assembly. The assembly is its highest decision-making body, attended directly by members. It is not mediated by outside committees, delegations, etc.

The majority of other union organizations - at least they claim its that way - base their decisions on the assembly. But there is a great difference with respect to anarcho-syndicalism. The assembly is considered to be the supreme means for decision-making, but they hold the assembly only once a year, for example. Immediately there are written the rules for the creation of other structures, union council, committee meeting, executive board or whatever, which decides between assemblies, with all executive power passing in practice to these structures.

In the anarcho-syndicalist union, in the industrial union, it is the assembly which always decides. There exists no board, no committee, delegates' council, no director, no executive… which can decide between assemblies. Later the major functions of the CNT committees will be explained. Other names by which the industrial union are called are "one union," or "one industrial union."

Each time an assembly is held it is important that someone makes a record of what is said there. The record reflects the opinions of those persons taking part, the debates, the agreements that are made and who agrees to carry them out. In order to write and to maintain records we write our history.

La sumisión, el trabajo forzado, el hambre, son el lote de la clase obrera. Por ello el infierno asalariado es un infierno lúgubre: la gran mayoría de los seres humanos vegetan allí, privados de bienestar y libertad. Y en ese infierno, pese a la decoración democrática y su máscara, florecen a montones miseria y dolor. El sindicato traza sin equívoco posible la demarcación entre asalariades y amos. Gracias a él, la sociedad aparece tal como es:
Por un lado los trabajadores, los robados.
Por otro, los explotadores, los ladrones.
Emile Pouget. ?Qué es el sindicato?)

Submission, forced labour, hunger are the lot of the working class. By this the paid hell is a mournful hell: the great majority of human beings vegetate there, deprived of well being and liberty. And in this hell, in spite of democratic decoration and its mask, they flourish ? misery and pain. The union follows without ? ? the demarcation between wage-earners and (unknown). Thanks to it, society appears such that it is:
On the one hand, the workers, the robbed .
One the other hand, the exploiters, the thieves
Emile Pouget. What is the union?)

Functions of the anarcho-syndicalist unions

The unions exists physically by means of the local, that is the point of meeting of the people of the branch.

When a proletarian thinks about his bad luck, he does not doubt it, he goes to the union local.(Emile Pouget)

The unions of the CNT concern themselves with all subjects related to the defense of its members, and for this they provide themselves with all available means, human, technical, economic, and legal. They plan actions to be taken against employers, make studies of working conditions, file grievances over health and job security problems, and seek all information possible concerning the operation of the enterprise (supplies, suppliers, profits, subsidiary companies, contracts, labor policy, conversion plans...). This is important on the one hand to not be taken by surprise by capitalist plans, and on the other, for the eventual arrival of the day in which we take over the enterprise. They have the capacity to conduct strikes, to assist in dealings with the authorities, and to negotiate on behalf of the members. They prepare training courses, study days, and conferences. They provide for legal defense of workers and imprisoned members. The union is the school of the people. In it we must come to see in the injuries of others as injuries to ourselves, to develop through conversations, thought and debate, to become multi-talented, to learn to take initiative... Depending on the number and activities of the people in the union, the union will be well or poorly equipped.

The “Know yourself” of Socrates, is completed in the union with the maxim “Act for your yourself” (Emile Pouget, The union: school of desire)

Constitution of the Union Branch

25 people form a union of this type. If there does not exist sufficient numbers, 5 can constitute a Miscellanous Trades Union, which fits all the branches.

Human and technical means

The first thing members of an anarcho-syndicalist union must do is to evaluate the forces that they have, and to continue to plan activities that can be carried to completion. By achieving the possible we can approach the impossible. This is important because inactivity or failure always leads to demoralization. There are also technical means available, such as telephones, FAX, photocopiers, word-processors, computers and printers, a hall for meetings and archives, including a moving record for our people of the glorious epoch, when everything was done by hand and the backs of old mules. Certainly to achieve all the former, requires development.

What gets membership, which is most important, is that everyone seeks the means to make the union grow. What is absolutely certain, is that the anarcho-syndicalist union only grows where there are problems and conflicts, and it is the role of union militants to discover them and provoke them.

For a century activism was very strong. The people wanted to be unionized in spite of repression. That was when there was a period of union growth, and the desire for social transformation was widespread. Today this no longer exists, having been replaced by a narrow individualism, cynicism, and consumerism instigated by the capitalists. We must understand that our message in this society is not widely shared - for the moment - and that a large part of our initiatives are met with indifference. We must not lose spirit.

Legal advisors to the CNT

The CNT does not have legal advisors in order to be run by lawyers. There are sufficient members who have some experience in labor law, or have studied it. In case of doubt, the CNT consults lawyers with whom it has contact. It is necessary to be informed of the laws as they exist, by means of official provincial bulletins, of the assembly of the corresponding region or state, and of all the information over the enterprises to which they apply.

In this world of hostile and unjust laws, we have to defend our rights and the better we know them, the better we can defend them. The better we know the laws, the less the necessity for legal representation. But the least legal intervention will come with the greater strength of the union.

We would like to make it clear that the purpose of all labor law is to benefit capitalism in general, to defend its privileges and to permit its robbery without risk, preventing the direct confrontation between labor and capitalism. The State makes the rules of the game which always benefit the employers, so that the legal system:

- Is expensive. To function within it requires the payment of high fees. To get lawyers to open their mouths never costs less than a thousand dollars. Much more to take a case, or handle legal documents, without which no magistrate needs to deal with it.
- Uses language which is difficult to comprehend by ordinary people. It is made this way to augment the ignorance of the people, since to know a thing is to understand it, to indicate a power to control it, and this is not in the interest of a legal caste which wants to impose its will without question.
- Is slow. It prolongs the processes which could be solved rapidly by means of direct negotiations.
- Considers the conflicting sides to be children, incapable of solving their own problems.
- Is very complex. It requires a great deal of skill to maneuver within it. Many of its statutes are contradictory, with traps and no real clarity or rationality to it.

To rely on lawsuits is a course which always favors the employer, such that even when the judge sides with labor, and assesses damages against the capitalists, the only thing which has been done is to give us what is already ours, and what triumphs is the idea that in spite of the faults of a system which is slow, bureaucratic, expensive, pernicious, domineering, corrupt and incomprehensible, we have to give it power over us.

To know the laws makes it possible to demand their implementation, which succeeds on many occasions. But in addition it is necessary to know when to break the laws, to employ common sense and to plan to follow the path which is the most short, simple and economical to do something.

To use lawsuits, however, violates our form of existence, which rejects the institutions of the State. Nothing is possible to achieve through magistrates which could not be done with concrete actions. According to our principles, the only tactic useful for its militants is Direct Action. Lawyers to the CNT manage, therefore, those limited cases in which there are not enough forces to reach the goal by Direct Action. The lawyers function within the contradictions in which anarcho-syndicalism is forced to operate.

What is the union committee?

The union assembly chooses people to keep open local union halls, maintain relations with other unions, handle correspondence, collect dues, issue the union journals, handle literature orders... Simple tasks which in general the union assembly delegates to achieve its goals. These people form what is called the union committee, which is divided among the following secretaries for:

Organization, responsible for internal union relations, membership lists...

Education, culture and archives, editor of educational materials, organizer of the library...

Press and information, responsible for media relations.

Treasury and financial matters, collecting dues.

Law and prisoner support, to gather official bulletins, information on laws, contracts, to inform the union of labor law problems, dispense funds in cases of detention, imprisonment, to deal with lawyers...

Union organizing. To help develop plans for action in workplaces, unionized or not.

Social activism. The same as above but dealing with non-union questions: ecology, anti-militarism...

And the General Secretary, representing the confederation.

All of them form the union committee, together with delegates from specific union sections within industry where the union is active. This is in theory, because if the union desires a smaller committee, it might drop some secretaries (press and education, for example). And if it wants, it could invent another secretary, thus increasing the committee. But what is really important is:

The members of the union committee, and by extension, of all the committees of the CNT, are not able to receive any salary for their militancy.

All the committees are mechanisms for management and coordination, with no power to make policy. The only decision-making bodies are the union assemblies. If in the case of dire emergency or necessity they have to decide something, they would have to account for it to the assembly, which would decide if their action was correct or not.

All mandates are revokable at anytime. The assembly is free to demand the resignation of the officers if it wishes. The duration of a term is two years, with possible re-election for one more year as maximum. It is required that officers be rotated.

The committee, as a body, can not make proposals to the union assembly.

All the members of the committee have to be confirmed at the next assembly after their election. All officers are always at the disposal of the assembly.

Members of political parties may not hold office in the confederation.

In all assemblies the committees have to account for the activities of the secretaries.

The committees of the CNT do not express their individual opinions. When they open their mouths, they do it in the name of the entire organization and its agreements.

These limitations guarantee that every officer acts without self-interest. It is a barrier to avoid the growth of a bureaucracy, and to limit to the maximum possible the development of leaders, dictators and authority in the heart of the union.

The committee of the CNT must be a mechanism of facilitation, administration and coordination, not a power group. The restriction against members of political parties to serve on union committees, was adopted in the 1930s as a means of defending the unions against control by the Communist Party. No restriction was made against authoritarian communists belonging to the confederation as workers. But these people belong to parties which aspire to become vanguards and guides of the workers, and one of their tactics is to infiltrate independent organizations in order to control them. For this reason it is necessary to limit their aspirations to have power.